Who Assassinated Benazir Bhutto

It is not every day one finds the author of a book about murder himself implicated in a triple homicide. In our part of the world, however, it could simply mean that the ‘suspect’ was too snoopy for his/her own good or simply stepped on some VIP’s toes. Fortunately, it was the latter case here (he fell out with the Islamabad police) and an exonerated Shakeel Anjum shakes off the stigma of a murderer and dons the garb of a detective. He is, after all, a crime reporter who has been associated with a local English daily for a long time and has clocked 32 years in the arena. This provides him with the requisite credentials to dive into the deep end but it may not necessarily give him groundbreaking investigative journalistic powers to ferret out the truth about Benazir’s assassination. Yet, this is exactly what the author claims to have done.

The purpose of the book is ostensibly to unveil the ‘real’ culprits of a high profile political assassination caught on camera, by taking it apart — one frame at a time. It will revisit the scene of the crime from every conceivable (and some inconceivable) angle to determine what he calls the “causation of death”. At the time of the incident, the international media was rife with speculations; some wondered about a possible low-level military involvement, others looked towards the northwest, trying to pin down militant outfits. The local media mirrored the mood, adding a few spicy details of their own; but a good portion of their time slot was devoted to hypothesising about how the victim died (lever or gunshot). Though the militants topped the list of suspects while shadowy hands were a close second, the case was never satisfactorily resolved despite the intervention of foreign experts and swearing in of the deceased’s own party.

The primary controversy at the time centred on the ‘cause of death’. The writer leads with this line of inquiry, probably because of the contradictory statements issued by the authorities in charge. Scotland Yard ruled death by lever (head injury as a result of the explosion) and a local expert from the Joint Investigative Team, Major (retd) Shafqat discredited the theory while his team sided with the Yard. This gentleman (referred to here as an FIA forensic expert who has no parallel in the subcontinent) happily accuses Scotland Yard of ‘result fixing’, to match the government-sanctioned verdict.

Since the shooting preceded the bomb blast, covering up the possible existence of a bullet wound served no purpose and it did not impact the search for ‘who’. The presence of a concealed sniper could have justified the frenzy, but the shooter stood in plain sight. The book, however, frets about this ‘how’ and uses the controversy as a springboard to launch bizarre theories. The writer’s take on the lever/gun situation will confound many but his argument that creating such doubts was a ploy on the government’s part to hijack the PPP’s sympathy vote will floor all.

While he tries to arrange all facts meticulously, bravely declaring that “it is not hard to make a hypothetical conclusion that clearly indicates who was behind this bloody assassination”, he falters in his quest. All he really does is add to the list of suspects instead of whittling it down while accusing all three governments of being complicit in the cover-up; these include the PML-Q, the interim set-up, and the PPP.

Because the crime scene was compromised, suspects annihilated, an autopsy prevented and obvious security lapses witnessed on each side, many like him will hesitate before putting some obscure militant organisation on the stand. The writer is right to be concerned with the odd behaviour of the investigative bodies, but he has not mastered the art of objective reporting. Consequently, even if there is any idea worth pursuing here, it requires a salvage crew with the patience of a saint to retrieve it from under the pile of scrap.

It is probably the first time a sentence like “pulling cosmetic rabbits out of a grinning bag” will be seen anywhere and hopefully it will be the last time a CIA director is quoted saying words like “slain dead” with a straight face. It should also be the only time a book like this is allowed to assassinate the English language, what with its appalling grammar, absurd headings (‘Yarders findings disbelieve’), misspelling, poorly worded/incomplete sentences and repetitive paragraphs. But, in some later edition, even when all these horrific mistakes are corrected, a book that vacations in conspiracy theory land, backtracking to retrieve old ideas, retelecasting them ad infinitum, ad nauseam, brings on spatial disorientation.

The only relief comes in portions not concerned with crime solving that reproduce an interview with the deceased given at the Academy of Achievement (Washington DC), documents the global reaction to the murder and draws parallels with the Hariri assassination (the Lebanese prime minister).

In the end, the real culprits need not worry. There is a vacant lot next to two other high profile assassination cases: Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan (1951) and President Ziaul Haq (1988). And they are still pending.

dead birds walking?

Experts disagree over the exact date when the houbara bustard might join the ranks of the spectacled cormorant, caspian tiger and woolly rhinoceros — but most agree that it is probably headed that way. The houbara has been projected as an aphrodisiac — endangered, protected, doomed — in need of conservation and on the fast track towards extinction. Because, come winter, when Pakistan gets ready to host one class of migratory birds, it also prepares to welcome several dignitaries from neighbouring Arab countries. The houbara comes for the climate; the Arabs come for the houbara. Armed with permits and falcons, visiting Arabs proceed to hunt in designated areas and, if tabloids are to be believed, their sole interest in the sport lies in what the poor bird’s meat contains and not the hunt itself. The tabloids would be surprised to learn that while the royal hunters’ main motivation is the thrill of the sport, the houbara’s preservation is also their major concern. As for the aphrodisiac part, it is not true.
The houbara is under attack on multiple fronts. The birds are endangered not just because of falconry but also due to domestic abuse (illegal netting, trapping and poaching) as well as natural causes. In the netting, trapping and shooting of game birds, the odds are heavily stacked against the prey while the opposite is true in falconry. Only a very agile and well-trained falcon can take down a houbara, which has a better than even chance to escape unscathed. It is this challenge that has made falconry a noble sport, fit for royalty. The houbara may be many things — it is moody, scares easily and is picky about mates (takes three to five years to settle down again). And yes, it is coveted as a game bird, but the hunters vehemently deny that the bird is sought after for its alleged aphrodisiac properties, insisting that for them falconry is more than a sport — it is tradition.

Recently, a very small passage in a local daily was devoted to the environment and wildlife conservation efforts in Pakistan on the UAE’s 39th anniversary on December 2, 2010 that quoted HH Sheikh Zayed (President of the UAE) as saying, “Whatever we take from nature, we return to nature.” The negative aspects of the hunt get annual coverage but the UAE would, for once, like to highlight the positives, beginning with their role in conservation.

According to a report, the UAE is the first country to have initiated measures to protect the endangered houbara bustard; hunting may be their passion but conservation is their foremost concern. If the houbara bustard becomes extinct, their centuries old lifestyle dies with it and they see themselves as one of the principal stakeholders in ensuring survival of the species.

That the houbara has been hunted to extinction in their homeland — the deserts of Arabia — make them empathise with their hosts. The UAE government is funding studies to successfully breed houbaras in captivity and overseeing efforts to have them released in the wild. They have established an ultramodern houbara breeding facility in their own country where houbara chicks are raised and later released into the wild, validating their leader’s claim. Besides, in a conscious effort to conserve the houbara population and prevent over-hunting, the royal dignitaries ensure that the number of hunting teams accompanying the entourage is limited and each hunting party is given a small quota of birds that they cannot exceed during the entire season.

The UAE dignitaries who visit Pakistan for falconry spend a colossal amount of money during their stay. What may appear as frivolous expenditure actually helps stimulate the local economy of one of the poorer regions of Pakistan. They have made sizeable investments in social welfare projects like housing schemes, hospitals and communication networks besides providing other facilities in places like Rahimyar Khan, Larkana and Cholistan, which are their annual haunts.
Some conservationists stock up on ammunition using bleak statistics, hoping to jolt the government of Pakistan into action and persuade hunters to give up their vocation. The same reports paint the Arabs as reckless, indifferent, inconsiderate and above the law. If such tirades continue, the UAE royals will take their hunt elsewhere. UAE, which has been described as “the single largest investor in Pakistan”, has deep ties to the land and its people and their annual trek is out of love for the host country as much as their fondness for the sport. For years, they have roughed it out in the desert, shared their kills with the locals and, of course, brought in much needed revenue — a lot of it. For them, the allure lies in being able to relive the Bedouin lifestyle and stay in touch with their roots. 
While the UAE has taken concrete steps to preserve and promote the houbara bustard population, Pakistan must continue to ensure that laws that ban illegal hunting and trapping are strictly implemented. Or else, the houbaras are dead birds walking.

A Politicians Guide

An aspiring beauty queen’s agenda typically involves an impassioned plea for world peace perhaps to score better with the jury. The homily remains a moving sound bite; the coronation makes a lovely ‘photo-op’.

Political pageantry is our version of such contests. Most promises made during the campaign trails are minimal in terms of any meaningful dialogue, rhetorical in principle with little relevance to reality. And such oblique vows are expected to win seats in the assemblies. These amateur renditions had earlier resonated with the masses. However, mapping the next campaign on this ancient trail may not be best policy in the year 2008.

Though Pakistan emulates the British parliamentary system to an extent, it has been remiss in cultivating their singular style of political culture where party mandates must be solid enough to withstand an obligatory public grilling. Quite possibly this batch of candidates contesting the National Assembly and Provincial Assembly seats next year, have ‘majored’ in the primitive ‘slogan and speech’ campaign style yet again. Such an approach unfortunately remains the mainstay of our political setup, instead of the more mature employment of ‘informed debate’. Ours is an aging political system that patronizes recycled politicians be they corrupt, exiled or both. Furthermore, by not properly opening up party manifestos to a more vigorous public scrutiny, the electoral process becomes a charade rather than a venue of serious decision-making. Confining political activities to the streets alone wrests the power to exercise good judgment away from a great many stakeholders.

The next elections are around the bend in which imported transparent ballot boxes, trained staff and international observers’ with the ability to monitor the process will allegedly ensure the required transparency. The final list of candidates is set to go on display by 16th Dec 2007. Naturally, these schedules could be subject to some changes in the currently unsettled political climate. Nevertheless, Pakistani politicians should consider refining the nature and scope of their campaign, considering that the masses have become politically savvy, with a keen appetite for healthy debate and a newly sharpened ability to see through ‘smoke and mirrors’. The unforgiving lens of our media ‘formerly known as independent’ is partly responsible for this seismic shift in public perception, as is globalization. The upshot of this revolution is that this generation, being more attuned to their civil rights, holds leaders to more exacting standards. Moreover, having a voice that can carry through cyber-space and via media airwaves makes them more opinionated than their predecessors.

As the nation prepares for the military rule to phase out eventually in favor of a more popular democracy, the safest and most effective approach to launching a political campaign could be from a platform that offers maximum exposure with minimum risk. Ideally, enlightening debates and not hollow sermons should be the cornerstone of the 2007-2008 campaign with media playing a key part. This will get candidates away from grandstanding to cheering crowds to confront the burning issues. The idea can work when professional, non-partisan moderators desist from long-drawn-out preambles and prevent such events from degenerating into dreary catfights. The presence of emails, live phone-ins, text messages makes such an interaction both practical for media forums and convenient for the public.

With all the hopefuls lined up on the media centre-stage it would be easier to establish their level of commitment based upon a review of actual strategy rather than the emotional appeal they conjure up with their traditional rallying cries of poverty alleviation, universal health care, economic empowerment etc. While people acknowledge that candidates would not always be able to provide an exact roadmap or timeframe to the promised utopia, they do expect a convincing framework that holds the illusion together.

Even before the casting of any votes, the international media seems to have picked out Pakistan’s next Prime Minister. Already in this changing political reality, impressive looking turnouts at rallies alone may neither be precursors to victory nor truly indicative of a particular party’s widespread popularity. The political progression, however, could ultimately single out the true front-runners and more importantly, induce more people to abandon the position of indifferent spectator and assume one of concerned stakeholder instead.

Asymmetric Conflict

It is no longer a toss up between ‘will they?’ or ‘won’t they?’ Not when it comes to terrorist strikes in 2007. Analysts are more likely to have turned, albeit grimly, to pinpointing the ‘where’, ‘when’ and speculate about the ‘who’. The recent bombing in Karachi confirms that ‘where’ is not that difficult to ascertain as it gradually dawns on people that the attack in the early hours of 19 Oct 2007 is merely a snippet of a prolonged terror campaign. Therefore, it is futile to pretend that these are isolated incidents of violence, easily pre-empted or averted.

Foreign Correspondent, Greg Palkot covered Ms. Bhutto’s return for FOX News Channel and made a valid point in his blog - Dispatches from the Terror Front: Can Terrorism Be Tamed in Pakistan? that, “In the terror analysis business, hindsight is always 20/20”. However, concerns of the citizens in the days leading up to 18 October 2007 were worth paying attention to. Their critique in the aftermath is equally significant; whether it is to question the wisdom of blocking the main artery of Karachi for an entire day or the folly of not congregating in a reasonably secure location in view of a credible threat. So far, these issues have been sidestepped in favor of some bizarre conspiracy theories.

Ironically enough, the International opinion seems to side with Ms. Bhutto’s decision to lead a rally in such a manner; the following post by Paula Newberg argues that “Even under explicit threats, no politician returning from eight years of exile would agree to helicopter to a rally. The people, after all, are what make politics real -- they are the engine that fuels any possibility that Pakistan might one day achieve a representative democracy. So Bhutto shunned the government's offer of a helicopter and by most accounts, the bulletproof cabin that was to remove her threats, and her adoring supporters.”

That would be one way of looking at it.

However, considering that not one but four suicide squads had already ‘shown their hand’ so to speak, this argument abruptly becomes invalid. Ms. Bhutto also claims to have received names of 3 ringleaders and telephone numbers before her arrival to Karachi but according to a report in the ‘Guardian Unlimited’, this information was forwarded to the President on the eve of her return and not before.

Then there is the theory that darkness cloaked the bomber implying that a human bomb can be contained. “As the sun set, we saw that the street lights had been closed. Our security guards were having a difficulty in identifying suicide bombers....because we couldn't see.” The top leadership escaped virtually unscathed despite the darkness, and traumatized though they must be from the proximity of this attack, they need to consider that barring perhaps a thermal signature technology, detection or deterrence of this primitive but lethal threat is not a perfect science - not yet.

Allegations also link this attack to the supporters of someone (Zia-ul-Haq), who himself fell a victim to an assassination 18 years ago and shadowy military organizations. With this logic, does it also follow that these mysterious forces were behind the Tarbela Ghazi ‘fratricide’ of 12 September 2007, where 20 elite SSG officers were killed and 44 injured? Or the twin bombings near the military headquarters in the garrison town of Rawalpindi, which left 25 dead and 68, injured? What about the 28 other bombings that have occurred all over Pakistan this year alone?

If the 19 October Karachi bombings were an attack against democracy then how would we classify attacks on Pakistan’s Interior Minister Aftab Sherpao, President Musharaaf, Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz and the Pakistani security forces? At a time when Pakistan is trying to dissociate itself from extremist elements, baseless allegations involving government officials in terrorist activities are not only unpardonable but also extremely irresponsible. They signify this states connivance or ineffectiveness; either perception could be fatal for our sovereignty.

The recently targeted party graciously considers a reevaluation of their campaign strategy but the governments proposal of moving rallies to the outskirts of the city or secured areas has met with resistance in some quarters and led to accusations of a “grand rigging plan" by others. Reckless disregard of the new realities can spell an early death for the fledgling democratic movement the world seems to be banking on with a possible replay of this tragedy. The nation demands that in the midst of an asymmetric conflict such as this, terror must now be factored in each politician’s itinerary. Its awareness is already ingrained within every civilians mind

Rallies are like Russian Roulette

As early warning signs of potential unrest preceded the proposed Karachi rallies of 12th May 2007, the consequences of a newly acquired affliction with the rally-syndrome became glaringly obvious on 12th May 2007. Granted that the mayhem witnessed in Karachi or the tragic conclusion of a rally in Charsadda is more of an exception than the norm, given the post 9/11 scenario, the old adage of safety in numbers no longer applies. Besides, the inconvenience faced by the people makes the concept irksome while its management makes the process dated. Notwithstanding the constitutional right of citizens to hold demonstrations or address congregations, places like Islamabad end up being sealed, Karachi is left in an appalling political mess and NWFP has to deal with the tragedy of Charsadda.

Polls will find that people like us are not in favor of rallies; and judging from the way they can end up, it is fairly easy to see why. There is an inherent flaw in the way demonstrations are ‘done’ here and this is what sets us apart from other parts of the world. Rallies are not uncommon elsewhere but they generally follow procedures and seldom hold up the lives of ordinary citizens. Take USA for instance where protestors are expected to remain in designated areas, the perimeters of which are patrolled by police. The sensitivity of a situation determines the level of police turnout and in any case demonstrations are restricted to areas easy to patrol; and oh yes, brandishing weapons is the prerogative of the police (plainclothes or otherwise) and not civilians.

Admittedly, the violence such as we witnessed lately may not be typical of protest marches here, however, when things go well in Pakistan, people still lose one (or two) working days, their liberty to wander the streets and peace of mind. Even the most peaceful of demonstration does not alter the lock down situation imposed on the populace so when rallies have been planned, it is advisable to put your own plans on hold. And since a day of protest can broaden into a couple of more days of strikes, imagine the losses faced by businesses, corporations and educational institutes. Whatever motivates these protests, be it theological, ideological or political, an assessment of recent events confirms that the effects and aftermath of rallies cost far too much in terms of human life, financial implications aside.

It has already been established that ‘actions’ of some law enforcement elements aggravated the problems in Islamabad on the 16th of March 2007 while their inaction fueled anarchy in Karachi on 12th of May 2007 ; nevertheless, a quick roundup of the aftereffects of recent demonstrations will show their impact on society and why the directive issued by the US embassy in Karachi during the events of 12th May 2007 where they advised American citizens to remain ‘indoors, alert and self-defensive’, is just as relevant for the locals.

As ominous headlines of a sealed Capital preceded the judicial demonstration on 16 March 2007, the ensuing disturbance, though limited to a few areas, left several twin cities residents confined at home and the blockade of Islamabad-Rawalpindi highway left others stranded elsewhere. Life remained partially paralyzed on both 16th and 17th of March despite the absence of an officially declared holiday and people packed up early fearful of a deteriorating situation. While actual lives may not have been in danger that day, the impact of events was powerful enough to restructure the organized lives of residents and visitors alike.

Since security threats mandate banning demonstrations anywhere , a place like Karachi haunted by a past of ethnic violence did not deserve the provocation of not one but two(or more) demonstrations. Though similar rallies had been pulled off successfully elsewhere in the country, the fact remains that like Russian roulette, it is a matter of time before one comes up against a loaded shell.
Even when the planned rallies were prevented from taking place, their disabling influence could be witnessed at significant junctions like Karachi’s Quaid-e-Azam International Airport or Railways where travelers had harrowing tales to tell while Shahra-e-Faisal was used for target practice and trigger happy goons ruled the city. As it is, airports are generally off limits to demonstrations so a large contingent of people headed there amounts to potential civil unrest. It would have been far more sensible to converge at other places and proceed without the accompanying fanfare than to disrupt the lives of citizens. The concentration of terror in areas like Shahra-e-Faisal previously deemed secure shook people up as much as the images of police in the role of spectators.

The disruptive influence of rallies mounts further with strikes and black days called to protest/mourn violence that mars one protest march or the other and thus Karachi was brought to a standstill for 3 days while the rest of the nation observed a sympathetic shut down. Strikes target the economy, such demonstrations can impair peace and both effectively shutdown the system.

Finally, the Aftab Sherpao congregation in NWFP on 28 April 2007 proved that public gatherings make appealing targets in these troubled times and there is no reason to provoke attacks that are hard to foresee and harder to prevent. Therefore, toning down these marches would be a mark of prudence not cowardice and well within the publics’ interest.

After the predicted happened in Karachi, a month long ban has now been imposed here when limiting such gatherings should have been the logical first step. Demonstrations such as these, wherever they are held in Pakistan, often have the unfortunate side effect of citizens being forced to reschedule their lives. That Karachi security should have been beefed up is already being debated and will be till some satisfying explanation is forthcoming; devising effective contingency plans to avoid a recurrence must take center stage amid the usual accusations hurled back and forth by alleged anarchists and supposed pacifists.

Karachi has already lost three days, precious lives and the carefully built up illusion of peace, so planning three more days of strikes again signals an open invitation to recession. Thrown off course frequently given the unruly nature of rallies and strikes, our nation’s energies have been dedicated more on course correction strategies these past few months than actual development. Until security can be ensured for protestors and liberty to citizens simultaneously, such acts can only be counterproductive.

Profitable Merger or Hostile Takeover?

When a house came under rocket attack in Peshawar cantonment on 19th May, the incident went without serious comment because after all, these acts are commonplace enough in 2008. What made it significant for me was that the very house had once been my home. That would be the year when Soviets had all but withdrawn from Afghanistan and the only close call then had been an airspace incursion from the Afghan side of the border. But, what happened in the confrontation between the fearless Afghan pilot and military officials present that day is no where as alarming as what happened 19 years later with the fearsome pro-Taliban and the State officials elected today.

A peace treaty in war torn Swat has a nice ring to it. Does a pacification strategy towards militancy mean that a country which stood up to Communism capitulated to Fascism? Not so, say government officials who hasten to draw a distinction between peace loving militants all set to renounce violence over hard core elements bent on carrying out so called ‘jihad’ in neighbouring Afghanistan and openly loath to giving up claim to the killing fields of Pakistan. But a great deal hinges on the successful implementation of this 4-pronged strategy where the tribal elders have been recruited as intermediaries between State and subversive elements: domestic stability, global security and similar cheering notions.

Here is what people can expect in the coming days with a 3 stage agreement that began with a ceasefire on May 9, 2008, followed by the headline that “Taliban ban NGOs, women education in Orakzai Agency”. Briefly, the agreement promises truce with Pak Army and security forces: women allowed to work: polio vaccinations permitted, music shops and barbers free to operate, foreign militants expelled, private militias disbanded and display of arms prohibited. In short, everything people are entitled to as free citizens of any sovereign State. In exchange for the release of captured militants, withdrawal of Pak Army troops and imposition of Sharia – the Islamic law in Swat and Malakand.

Roughly translated, this means that local Taliban will let women work; ‘Let’ being the operative word here; only if they are forced into the veil. Else, they probably will be sorted out in the grand traditions of the jirga. So we can safely assume that this Sharia is the kind that dragged our neighbour back to the Stone Age. Then there is the proviso that government schools and hospitals stand to be monitored and ‘erring employees’ dealt with severely, Taliban style. CSNEWS.com reveals that a local Taliban Commander’s permission is required to send a female to school. Such is the agreement, accompanied by thinly veiled threats by Taliban ordering the State to ‘O-behave’ and stay the course or incur the wrath of an ‘organized power not to be easily thwarted’. Finally, the ones who wrecked Pakistan’s internal security may sue our current President for nothing less than crimes against humanity, or rather against their people.

And here is what we may expect elsewhere in Pakistan. Nothing. A key aspect of the contract has already been breached with a renewal in the cycle of violence in Islamabad and continuance of bombings and suicide attacks during and after the ‘peace’ agreement in and around the tribal belt. By early June music shops started winding up business in Kohat, an attack on the President’s life was foiled and 4 policemen were ambushed by signatories of the peace treaty. To date, the Capital remains on high alert.

Despite such open violations, the army pullout went ahead as per schedule, release of militants has already begun and the tribal supervision meant to ensure compliance appears questionable. Pakistan’s Foreign Minister draws attention to the spirit behind the deal which in his words is neither capitulation, nor compromise but peaceful coexistence. Perhaps the Taliban did not get the memo. When Ben Franklin stated that there never was a good war or bad peace, he was clearly not referring to us.

Now Pakistanis may not have voted in any Taliban sympathizers, the entrepreneurial spirit of Taliban seems to have found a new home nevertheless. The story with the fugitive from Afghanistan had a happier ending for he surrendered unconditionally; the MIG-21 now sits in a museum in Karachi and its pilot went on to pursue his American dream. Not a bad deal.

Search for Security and Cooperation

Arguably, major shifts in both perception & priorities can be attributed to significant upheavals in the global and political dynamics, arising, partially from the vestiges of the Cold War, threatened exclusivity of the nuclear club(to the dismay of 5) and absolutely from actions of 9/11.

The emergence of the Asian continent as a globally predominant security concern merits the exploration of its complex, long drawn out regional conflicts while identifying the security/cooperative challenges, the neglect of which will jeopardize global stability given the fragility of a nuclear setting on hostile territory.

And this is what ‘Asia-Search for Security & Cooperation’ aims to do.

Maj. General (R) Jamshed Ayaz Khan is an authority on matters pertaining to regional and International affairs being the head of Institute of Regional Studies(Islamabad) and his second book ‘Asia-Search for Security & Cooperation’ is, in fact, a compilation of newspaper articles and papers, presented at various international conferences.

Taken together, these papers present a systematically independent study of the exigency in addressing a multitude of issues directly concerning the peace, stability and development of Asia in a new millennium. While the premise of the book remains Asian security and cooperation, this theme can be explored separately and on several different levels.

Taking the contentious Indo-Pak relations first, making a strong case for reversing the trend of mistrust & suspicion plaguing both nations is high on the agenda while touching upon the underlying causes of the Indo-Pak conflict; the potentially favorable signs marking an acceptable resolution of core issues since 2004 have also been liberally covered and chapter (11) has been devoted to an assessment of India’s professed level of commitment to the peace process. Chapter 3 presents a cooperative matrix for both countries, at the same time keeping the risks emanating from dissension in a nuclear environment well within sight.

Here, the arguments contending the powerful impact of stabilizing the Indo-Pak region in terms of fostering a surge in economic growth in the both countries while setting off a ripple effect of stability in South and West Asia and regions beyond the subcontinent appear credible and subsequently, the significance of Track-II/back channel diplomacy along side global intervention (where needed) has also been put forth to facilitate the course of composite dialogue. In an atmosphere where talks on core issues have so far remained inconclusive, response to trade and economic cooperation has been more favorable and slow advances have, in fact, been made.

The emerging Indo-US relationship accounts for the visible tilt of US towards a country whose perceived hegemonic designs are as much a cause of regional concern as its nuclear triad aspirations that, in effect, openly conflict with the stated U.S. nuclear objectives.

Chapter 4 on ‘Bush and the Indo-U.S. Nuclear Deal’ investigates the U.S. Interest of turning India into a ‘global power’ . We may well attribute globalization with these disturbing but seemingly unavoidable shifts in allegiance as the expansion of global benefits has a powerful appeal and India finds itself in an advantageous position with none of the liabilities of security issues affecting Pakistan of late.

The carving out of a civil nuclear cooperation agreement was unprecedented in that it was done without the involvement of American public or Congress ahead of time. What this growing partnership portends for the Asian region and Pakistan in particular, in terms of preservation of the depth of U.S.-Pak commitment and the expectancy of an even handed approach in the U.S. dealings can only be imagined. Regrettably, both India and Pakistan have been saddled with a nuclear albatross, the deterrence value of which is subject to interpretation.

The Chapter on ‘WMD: Pakistan’s Perspective’ relays Pakistan’s support of a ‘non discriminatory WMD free world’ with a look at the initiatives aimed at reducing nuclear weapons. Though the modernization of the U.S. nuclear arsenal can be blamed for the escalatory nature of the arms race but I will add that the START Treaty and INF Treaty are, in fact, responsible for reductions in the U.S. nuclear arsenal and the unilateral denuclearization of its army. In Russia, the U.S. has so far successfully negotiated reduction of strategic and elimination of the intermediate, although tactical nuclear weapons still remain.

Profiling the major stakeholders in stability stationed within the Asian neighborhood, the book further proposes that the ECO and SCO join forces in creating a greater security and economic bloc to interact with SAARC, thus contributing to the economic uplift of this region. The emergence of EU as a trading bloc serves as an inspiring model of regionalism, one of many, for the Asian region. The growing concern of energy security mentioned in Chapter 8 is given a serious look alongside some non traditional security challenges of poverty, arms/drug trafficking etc . The capability of Iran or Turkmenistan to replenish the declining natural gas deposits of Baluchistan, for instance, remains debatable. Now turning to Pakistan’s closest neighbors,

Chapter 16 presents the strategic benefits of a Pak-Iran partnership in terms of politico-economic cooperation for the reconstruction of Afghanistan , the stability of which is jointly perceived to be linked with the core national interests of both these nations. Also, in Chapter 6, China which is said to ‘overtake Germany in economic output by 2008, Japan by 2015 and U.S by 2040’ , with its ‘sustained economic and strategic partnership’ calls for the strategic readjustment and enhanced cooperation between these two nations

The civilized world is in consensus that global dimensions of terrorism present a unique security challenge threatening the autonomy of concerned nations, so equally important are the areas dealing with Pak-US cooperation in combating terrorism and the ability to forge a liaison that is realistic; more durable and less conditional. Some people point out that the tribal economy is an anachronism and Chapter 14 ponders on the potential effect of introducing development packages in tribal areas in a bid to check the lawlessness; It also makes a clear distinction between ‘Jihad’ and ‘Terrorism’.

That the unequivocal acceptance of a ‘Greater Middle East’ plan by the U.S. garnered mixed sentiments among the Arab States brings up the argument that its success hinges, in part, on engagement of the concerned States in addition to the resolution of key causes of dissension in the Muslim world, specifically Palestine and Kashmir and the intransigence engulfing these issues. The writer argues in the final chapters that if the US can be seen in an objective perusal of the ME political and economic reforms, much less focus will be on the sincerity of its intentions and more on the attainment of mutually beneficial goals. .

Stalling for peace now presages a disaster of global proportions; that much has been established. So keeping the inner complexities of regional relationships within Asia in mind when endorsing a durable settlement of leftover conflicts, the recognition and ultimate acceptance of rising foreign stakes and their stabilizing influence taken with compatibility of ideals might foster a deeper commitment to usher in an era of cooperative defense and comprehensive security.